Towards a Socialist Aotearoa: Programme of the New Communist Party of Aotearoa

Our Situation: Capitalism Fails the Working Class

Humankind is in transition between two social eras of history: capitalism and socialism. Capitalism has seen humanity divide into two classes: the bourgeoisie and the proletariat, a ruling class that controls the wealth and a class that must work if it wants to survive. In this system, we see intolerable injustices done unto these workers – exorbitant rents that reduce their already meagre wages further still, the theft of profits owed to the working class by capitalist business owners and their lackeys, the police force. It’s in this divide that New Zealand finds itself today. It is here, with both feet planted firmly on the side of the working class, that the science of Marxism-Leninism proves the most valuable resource possible in the fight against the corruption and immorality of the capitalist system.                                                

Capitalist relations began to take firm hold in New Zealand with the mass colonisation of New Zealand by the British Crown. Today it has reached the advanced stage of imperialism and monopoly capitalism, and continues to be chokehold Aotearoa’s workers, whether Māori, Pākehā or other tauiwi. Most of our resources and industry are controlled by international monopoly corporations.

Important sections of the New Zealand bourgeoisie are closely tied to foreign capital and share the same class interests of subjugating the working class and extracting all they can out of the Global South, particularly in Polynesia. New Zealand capitalism has, since its earliest days, has been almost entirely reliant on foreign capital – initially that of the United Kingdom, and today the United States.

The Demise of Social Democracy

New Zealand in the 1980s was an early adopter of neoliberalism. Under the guidance of the Fourth Labour Government Roger Douglas as finance minister, all trade unionism was wiped out with 2017 union density figures down -51% compared to their highest in 1980. The neo-liberal economic reforms of the Fourth Labour Government were not unique in their content, many of which were consistent with earlier and concurrent policies in Britain under Margaret Thatcher and the United States under Ronald Reagan; and also with the Structural Adjustment Programmes imposed by the International Monetary Fund on a number of countries. What made them unique was that they were voluntarily undertaken by the supposed party of social democracy rather than imposed by imperialism or a right-wing party; and the extent and ideological nature of them. The effectiveness of its implementation is not to be underrated. New Zealand adopted neoliberal policies at an even faster rate than in Pinochet’s fascist Chile, where the ruling party was backed by a recent military coup’s power supporting them.

Under these capitalist reforms, New Zealand has seen social welfare plummet – the mass privatization of public assets and services has seen the very richest of our national and international bourgeoisie – landlords, CEO’s, and financiers – grow their wealth to never-before-seen heights of extravagance. This of course came at the expense of the poorest in our society, with bus and train fares skyrocketing, public housing no longer available to those who need it, and rental standards largely left up to landlords to self-manage.

This mass-sell period produced a playground for the international bourgeoisie who moved in and bought up big sections of land and business in New Zealand. A brief period of prosperity following this heralded the end of Aotearoa’s ‘old left’. The consequences of our ruling parties’ obsession with neoliberalism has been rising homelessness, poor employment conditions, the dismantling of our radical unions, and countless early deaths at the hands of poor home standards, underfunded healthcare and shaky job stability. Neoliberalism has murdered a generation of our country’s people, and the only blame placed is upon the ones who died for ‘not being competitive enough’ or ‘not being smart enough’ to cope with the unfair suffering done to them.

Since the rise of neoliberalism, the majority of New Zealand industry has been shut down, meaning we do not actually produce many goods ourselves and despite our global economic position on paper, have quite low productive forces. Despite a small export of imperialist finance capital, New Zealand’s economy largely exports raw materials and imports manufactured goods – typical of an economy subjugated by international finance capital.

This development has led to modern New Zealand becoming reliant on the US for military and economic needs and sacrificing its political and economic independence because of it. From the 5000 tonnes of yellowcake uranium passing through New Zealand ports each year to our participation in the 5 Eyes surveillance bloc and the NATO Global Partnership, our government is an active participant in US imperialism and the subjugation of the working class and oppressed nations all over the world.

New Zealand’s capital is shown to be accepting of this junior role through its dismissal of and general opposition towards foreign socialist countries and movements of national liberation and self-determination. In modern times, New Zealand has gone to war in Korea, Vietnam, Afghanistan and Iraq – murdering the proletariat in these countries for monetary incentive at the orders of the UK and the US. Both the left and right wing of the bourgeois government are guilty of this, even the supposedly “radical” parties.                                                                     

From the beginning of New Zealand’s colonisation the interests of capitalists have clashed with those of the workers, and this has manifested in a long history of labour struggle, including that of our predecessor parties in the 20th century.                             

History of exploitation – working class & Māori                            

The growth of national identity following the end of World War One is largely what led to the beginning of political independence from Britain and has manifested today as a strongly anti-war and humanitarian general consciousness. This comes in stark contrast to the jingoism and interventionism of the owning class in our country, who seek to protect their profits at the price of all else. We see this today in places like Ihumātao, where Māori land is taken and used by monopoly corporations.

In the 19th century, Britain was rent with economic crisis. Colonisation served two useful purposes: claiming new raw materials and exporting surplus labour (workers without work). This was justified through race theory, which portrayed indigenous people as inferior.

However, direct Crown intervention in Aotearoa was expensive. Until the late 1830s, unofficial actors – missionaries, traders and explorers – moved ahead of the Crown. The Crown only became directly involved when they developed a scheme of selling land in the colonies to prospective settlers, thereby funding colonisation.

To establish capitalism, the Crown had to transform the relationship between people and the land. Whereas iwi and hapu lived off the land in a proto-feudal style of economic organisation, capitalism required that the majority be separated from the land, forced to live off meagre wages (a process that had first been carried out with the dispossession of European peasants, such as the Highland clearances.). That required systematically depriving iwi of their land.

Initially, a fraudulent Treaty was intended to establish the basis for Crown and settler ownership (with later struggles demanding that the Treaty be honoured). From 1840 to 1870, the Crown and settlers engaged in “rampant expropriation” of the land, as well as setting up a political infrastructure (with parliament established in 1854 on the British model). This colonisation drive led inevitably to the Land Wars, as iwi were not keen to part with their land.

Māori were initially excluded from production, driven onto ‘unproductive’ land. Wage labour was mainly provided by European settlers, until urbanisation in the 20th century led to more Māori joining the urban workforce – 8% of Māori lived in ‘defined urban areas’ in 1926, compared to 41.1% by 1996. By the late 20th century, urban and rural Māori would combine forces in leading a new wave of resistance against the encroach of neoliberalism and capitalism.

As a people most exploited by the capitalist and neoliberal system, the liberation of Māori must be a primary goal of any movement to bring equality to New Zealand. Socialism is the only thing that can truly free the Māori from the chains of colonial slavery. At Ihumātao for instance, Māori capitalist elders told the Māori leading the resistance to stop. These capitalists, Māori or not, serve only the interests of neo-liberalism and neo-imperialism – co-opting their titles and rank within society to further the influence of modern capitalism within groups whose interests are diametrically opposed to it.

Imperialism around the World

The victory of US/NATO imperialism against the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics (USSR) and the working class’ gains after the Great October Socialist Revolution in 1989-1991 achieved the main goal of the global bourgeoisie since 1918. This, as JV Stalin predicted over a half-century earlier, ushered in an “era of the blackest reaction in all the capitalist and colonial countries”.

Since the Gulf War began in 1990, the world has seen a near-unchallenged global domination by the US and its NATO alliance. At the moment the United States has troops on every single continent and over 800 international military bases. Between 2015 and 2017, US troops alone fought in 76 different countries. This figure even excludes the countries where imperialism is represented by local proxies – a number almost impossible to ever really pin down. This has been expanded during the Obama and Trump presidencies with the strengthening of Bush II’s AFRICOM and the US presence on the African continent.

The current imperialist offensive takes a four-pronged form: military expansion and aggression; colour revolutions in capitalist countries; neoliberal extractivist reforms pushed down by the IMF and the World Bank; and attempted peaceful evolution and velvet revolutions in the socialist countries. All four of these must be considered as part of one cohesive strategy.

Military expansion and aggression remains a key part of imperialism’s strategy. Several puppet states such as Kosovo in Serbia, Rojava in Syria, ‘American’ Samoa and the Republic of Korea are maintained exclusively through the US/NATO military presence.

Increasingly, however, the US and its imperialist allies are looking for other ways of ensuring their global control and profit extraction that are not as blatant as an invasion after the mass opposition to the invasion of Vietnam and the Gulf War.

Organisations such as the National Endowment for Democracy and other CIA slush funds allow for US imperialism to attempt to topple governments and states from the inside-out without having an open presence. This was first seen with the success of the ’peaceful evolution’ to capitalism in the Soviet Union and European socialist countries, and has since been repeated in countries such as the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia, where US-funded colour revolution organisations such as Otpor! managed to collapse the legitimate Milosevic government and bring a final end to Yugoslavia.

The ’structural adjustment’ policies of the World Bank and the International Monetary Fund are another less-noticeable way in which imperialism takes control of Third World countries. These countries, in need of financial aid often because of US imperialism’s blockades and sanctions, are forced to turn to the supranational organisations of US imperialism, which in turn for giving ‘aid’ require the country to implement neoliberal reforms and restructure their economy to favour the profits of the international monopoly.

What makes all of these so successful for the US/NATO imperialists is that they do not appear to be warfare. Seemingly progressive politicians can talk about cutting the military budget or closing military bases, yet the actual funding given to imperialism and overseas aggression can meanwhile be increasing through the budgets of intelligence, foreign ‘aid’, etc. It is important for modern-day anti-imperialists to be aware of all the different ways in which imperialism functions.

The Struggle of the Party and Masses

Struggle of the working masses post-1995

The onset of neoliberalism saw the mass struggle of the 20th century almost entirely crumble, thanks in part to the ineffectiveness and betrayal of the leadership of the working class: social democratic, communist, or otherwise. The class collaborationism of social democracy and the labour aristocracy, particularly within the unions, left the working masses powerless to fight back against the betrayal of the Fourth Labour Government and its Labour Relations Act 1987, and then the Employment Relations Act of 1991 which destroyed the union system formed by social democracy. In 1985, 43.5% of the labour force was in a union. By 1998, this had dropped to 17.7%.

In the twenty years since, the union movement has largely been unable to recover, despite achieving some respite, such as the restoration of legal recognition for unions in 2000. In 2018, only 13.29% of the labour force was in a union. The current active workers’ movement is centered around a few unions: FIRST Union, Unite Union, the New Zealand Nurses Organisation and the two teachers’ unions in particular have been prominent with strikes.

It must be noted however that these are all economic strikes, with political strikes largely unheard of in New Zealand. Even mass demonstrations that serve a rather bland purpose, such as the Australian Council of Trade Union’s Change the Rules campaign, are not present in New Zealand. When the Council of Trade Unions finds a campaign that goes beyond the scope of workplace collective bargaining, it almost entirely takes the form of parliamentary advocacy.

Clearly, a genuine mass workers’ movement is a long way from existing, and an important task of Communists and all class-oriented workers is to not only claw back from the current position but fight for new gains and a class-oriented, independent mass union movement.

Recent decades have also seen the continuation of various other popular struggles, such as Māori rights, which has seen flashpoints such as the protests over the Foreshore and Seabed Act of 2004 and over the attempted development at Ihumātao. The lack of significant success in this struggle can be attributed to several factors such as the organisational and analytical methods employed by these activists. Focusing almost entirely on race and not at all class and often viewing capitalism as a Pākehā creation, the movement has taken the form of both unorganised protest and bourgeois politics. The Māori Party created for this purpose does not serve as any form of a national liberation movement but a party of Māori capital.

The Party and a new mass workers’ movement

The New Communist Party is a revolutionary Marxist-Leninist organisation, distinguished from Trotskyist, Maoist or anarchist groups. These are usually notable for their “protest-left” sloganeering, and adventurist tactics, typically manifested in appeals to government and continued.

The New Communist Party is rooted in the working class, as the leading potential force for revolution, while also being open to all who share its aims and ideas. The Party also seeks to organise itself in every major area of economic, social, cultural and political struggle.

The task of every Communist and class-oriented worker is twofold: to strengthen the workers’ movement where it already exists, increasing union coverage and strengthening rank-and-file power towards political struggle; and expanding the workers’ movement where it does not by creating new class-oriented unions.

This means that the New Communist Party of Aotearoa seeks to have a strong base in trade unions – the main bodies of the class-conscious workers – and draw its membership from this level. As part of this, we support the growth of trade unions and their expansion from economic struggle into political and revolutionary areas.

Revolutionary Community Unionism

The New Communist Party also recognises that the proletariat exists outside the workplace and that in order to be fully effective, we need to be backing the working class outside the workplace. The Party has elevated the theory of the standard form of this organising, tenant unionism, into a unionism of a new type – revolutionary community unionism.

The Community Union, as a mass organisation of working communities, should have the capacity to focus on broader issues such as public works, amenities and community life as the working masses see fit, not just tenancy agreements. In this way, the Community Union should have the ability to develop into essentially proto-Soviet power channelled into the form and name of a union. As it grows, Community Union branches will increasingly function as democratic and popular organs.

The Community Union also plays an important role in uniting various class strata under the leadership of the working class. The focus on the community in a broader scope than just tenants allows for home-owning petty bourgeoisie a route to follow the working class in a revolutionary struggle through their shared interest in a strong community with public services and amenities. Unemployed people and beneficiaries who would normally not be able to engage with a Communist Party and the workers’ movement can also be brought in through their own concerns about rent, housing condition etc.

Structure of the Revolutionary Party

The party is organised under the principle of democratic centralism, explained by the following principles of organisation:

a)              Leading organs of the Party at all levels shall be elected and shall be responsible to the Party organisation or conference that elected them.

b)             After free and thorough discussion, decisions taken by the Party shall be implemented.

i.               The individual is subordinate to the organisation.

ii.              The minority is subordinate to the majority.

iii.            The lower level is subordinate to the higher level.

iv.            The entire membership is subordinate to the Central Committee and to the National Congress.

c)              Leading organs of the Party shall always pay close attention to the reports and views of lower Party organisations and of the masses of Party members and they shall constantly study concrete experiences and render prompt assistance in solving problems.

d)             Lower Party organisations shall give regular and special reports about their work to the organisations above them and of the masses of Party members and they shall request instructions promptly concerning problems which require the decision of a higher Party organisation.   

e)             All Party organisations shall follow the principle of collective leadership and all-important questions shall be decided collectively.

This structure, developed through the Bolshevik Party’s struggle, ensures that the Party is democratic and able to decisively act and wage revolution.

The New Communist Party rejects revisionist theories of party building that liquidate its proletarian or revolutionary essence. Many formerly proud Parties around the world have turned to revisionism and have either been cost dearly or collapsed entirely.

Some notable revisionist trends in this area are playing down of revolutionary or communist aspects of the party’s identity in an attempt to be more presentable; abandonment of democratic centralism; rejection of mass work purely in favour of Parliamentarianism; and rejection of revolution in favour of a permanent ‘democratic republic’. All of these are a partial or full rejection of Marxism-Leninism and must be actively opposed in order for the New Communist Party to have continued success.

Revolution

Socialist revolution in New Zealand must be made according to conditions in New Zealand, and not an attempt in vain to import tactics from the Great October Socialist Revolution, Chinese Revolution, Sandinista People’s Revolution, etc. It is impossible to predict now how the revolution will occur blow-by-blow.

However, there are some basic principles of revolution from Marxist-Leninist theory that are unchangeable. One is that socialist revolution must replace the old state apparatus with a new socialist one. The bourgeois parliament must be replaced by a workers’ assembly, or Soviet power; the repressive bourgeois army and police force replaced with a Red army and workers’ militia, etc.

It is important to clarify the specifics of the Leninist theory of “peaceful revolution”. Because of the epoch-shifting struggle a socialist revolution entails, forces of capitalism and reaction will always seek to preserve or reinstate their dominance, politically and economically. The revolution can proceed peacefully, and Communists should never launch armed struggle unnecessarily, but as the Russian Civil War and the contras in Nicaragua and Venezuela among other examples show, forces of reaction will always react violently to the shift in power relations of a socialist revolution. To prevent the gains of New Zealand workers’ in a socialist revolution having a similar fate to the Popular Unity government in Chile, revolution must rely not just on elections but on workers’ power.

There also cannot be an ‘anti-monopoly’ stage of revolution aimed at breaking up the monopoly bourgeoisie in preparation for socialist transition. In fact, the existence of monopoly capitalism provides the objective conditions for a full-scale transition to socialism

Socialism and Communism

Socialism is the first (or lower) stage of communism. The defining characteristic of the socialist stage is the dictatorship of the proletariat (DotP). The DotP, or socialist workers’ republic, is the state organised by the workers for their own interests in contrast to the dictatorship of the bourgeois (led by the capitalist class). The DotP must be led by a vanguard party whose role is to secure the revolution and maintain its integrity. Thus, the DotP function is to oversee the withering away of the state and the transition to communism.

The character of the transition from socialism to communism, like the transition of capitalism to socialism, cannot be predicted. However, under the guidance of the socialist state, the cultural attitudes developed under capitalism that have negative effects (e.g. fetishising wealth) will be unlearned. Therefore, the role of the socialist state is not only to change the economic relations but also the guide its people culturally though socialism. It is only when these attitudes are eradicated, on a large scale, that the withering away of the socialist state can commence.

The economic structure of socialism is predicated on the workers owning the means of production. In contrast, New Zealand is a capitalist state, where the means of production are owned by the capitalist class (bourgeoisie). As a capitalist state, New Zealand has reached a mature phase of capitalism. This phase has created a massive gap in wealth distribution. The aim of a socialist economy is to redistribute this wealth, in order to raise the living standards of the proletariat, and to return the means of production to the working class whose labour it is indebted to. While no “developed” state has made the transition to socialism, meaning that the construction of advanced socialism will inherently take a very different form to historical and current examples, there are elements in theory and practice which can inform this transition when the appropriate material conditions present themselves. This is because of objective economic laws under both capitalism and communism.

The National Question under Socialism

As a settler-colony, an ethnic divide as well as a class divide has always been present in New Zealand society. Capitalism in New Zealand since its full-scale development began in the mid-to-late 19th century has extracted as much profit as it can from Māori, often stripping them of their resources entirely, while simultaneously exploiting the working class, Māori, Pākehā and tauiwi. Modern capitalism in New Zealand has also seen the development of an imperialist Māori bourgeoisie waging class war against the multi-ethnic proletariat. This intersection of ethnicity and class is why Marxist-Leninists say that the colonial-national question is also a question of class struggle in the modern era.

Communists stand for unity of the working class, which by its very nature includes Māori, Pākehā and tauiwi, against the entire capitalist system and the bourgeoisie of all ethnic groups. Economically, this means the step-by-step socialisation of all parts of the economy to an economy controlled by the entire people on the basis of “from each according to his ability, to each according to his needs”.

Residents of the Pacific Islands will be able to freely and fully live and work in Aotearoa New Zealand without fear of deportation or official discrimination.

Culturally, socialism’s abolition of national oppression means that restrictions placed upon te reo Māori, tikanga Māori and the languages and cultures of other ethnic groups within New Zealand will be swept aside. The New Communist Party supports policies to promote te reo Māori, Māori cultural practices, and equivalent taonga from other Pacific and minority cultures.

This requires an entirely new, Communist attitude to and principles of race relations within New Zealand based on friendship of peoples rather than an attempt to make capitalist race relations better.

Women’s Liberation under Socialism

The social oppression of women has long been demonstrated by anthropologists to coincide with the development of private property and class society. The gender difference between the two developed into a question of property and the deprivation of women of social and economic equality. The modern question of women’s liberation was only introduced by capitalism however, as it destroyed the home-based economic system that had survived other modes of production and brought women into the modern workplace on a mass scale for the first time.

Issues such as the gender pay gap, parental leave, and misogyny in the workplace stem from the basic laws of economics of capitalism and the bourgeoisie’s desire to decrease workers’ wages by any means necessary so that their own profits can be larger. For this reason, the capitalist ideological apparatuses, the newspapers, television, etc promote sexist and misogynist social attitudes that divide the working class.

This means that amongst the proletariat, there is no genuine basis for conflict between genders to exist. This conflict actually only aids the capitalists by dividing the working class and limiting its potential for organised power.

The task of Communists and women’s liberation is one and the same: socialism. Workers of all genders must unite under the banners of socialism and the Party against the capitalist class (also of all genders) and establish socialism. This requires an active struggle against male chauvinism and the social poison of the bourgeoisie that turns proletarian men against women. Because of this, the condition of women under socialism does not magically improve overnight but changes the economic laws and social basis to allow for genuine equality between workers.

The New Communist Party therefore supports policies aimed at helping women to achieve real equality under socialism, such as a transparent wage system which prohibits any form of a wage gap in socialist industry and the vestiges of the private sector (while they exist), full reproductive rights for women, an economic and social welfare programme aimed at alleviating the socio-economic need for women to enter the sex industry, and measures aimed at equalising women in fields which are male-dominated under capitalism.

Gender and Sexual Liberation Under Socialism

New Zealand, as a settler-colony, inherited a majority of its perspectives from the United Kingdom. As a result, its attitudes to gender and sexual orientation, has developed from a Western perspective that is in turn informed by capitalistic relations. This view is at odds with the pre-colonisation Māori acceptance of the takatāpui community.  This means that gender is understood as a binary and that sexualities other than heterosexuality are considered deviant.

As Communists, who are informed by a materialistic approach to these issues, we understand this to not be the case. Throughout history and cultures, genders and sexualities are have existed in a plethora of ways. The attitudes towards the diversification of gender and sexuality is resultant from capitalism’s economic and family model. The LGBT community at large have been understood by the bourgeois to interfere in this model. This attitude has only changed within the capitalist class when it has been viewed as profitable to do so. Thus, from a marketing perspective, the social pressures from LGBT activism have forced corporations to re-orientate themselves and their image.

However, this is only a façade. The attitudes towards LGBT workers’ in the workplace have still retained the homophobic and transphobic attitudes of old. LBGT workers face many problems such as threats of abuse from customers, fear of being fired for coming out as trans, inability for their actual name to be used at work etc. These chauvinistic attitudes also exist amongst the working class, imposed down by the bourgeois mass media and culture.

Similar to women’s liberation, however, this attitude amongst the working class is a social poison passed down by the bourgeoisie, and after the liquidation of the bourgeoisie as a class, can begin to be phased out entirely. The position of socialist countries past and present, such as Cuba or the German Democratic Republic, on the forefront of the LGBT rights movement despite such a reactionary past, even at the beginning of the socialist era, highlights the great potential socialism has for LGBT rights.

The New Communist Party supports policies such as strict protections of LGBT people against homophobia and transphobia in the workplace, whether it comes from customers or fellow staff; fully publicly-funded LGBT healthcare system with a significantly expanded transgender health system; and protection against discrimination in housing.

Socialism and the Environment

Most of society has recognised that the climate crisis is one of the most pressing issues of our time. Yet as any worker knows, not all of society has the same interests. The capitalist class, driven by profit, wants to not only preserve their ability to make a profit but try and increase them at the same time. This means that any action the capitalists take on climate change is going to be one that further enriches them. That is their ‘solution’ to the climate crisis.

Bourgeois climate change action, so that they are allowed to keep making a profit, hides the real causes of the climate crisis – themselves. Right now, capitalists are destroying the Amazon Rainforest for farmland, destroying one of Earth’s biggest tools in the fight to prevent unsustainable CO2 levels in the atmosphere.

Environmentalism is also incompatible with the capitalists’ desire for imperialist war, war started only to ensure their dominance and capital access in countries all around the world. The destruction caused by US/NATO bombing in Yugoslavia, Syria, Iraq and so many other countries not only destroys so many people’s lives but turns the natural environment into bomb craters. The US military occupation of Japan post-WW2 which continues to this day is decimating Okinawa’s biodiversity.

The reckless oil exploration occurring on our own shores has led to the destruction of vast amounts of wildlife and scenery. Oil drilling Inevitably leads to disasters such as the Rena, which left a decades long legacy of toxins and leading to the death of over 2,000 sea birds and destroyed one of New Zealand’s most unique landscapes.

Furthermore, the Pike River Mine disaster showed us that the fossil fuel industry doesn’t only have no regard for the earth that provides it’s mega profits, but that it’s willing to show little to no regard for the workers who risk their lives daily for these same profits.

The capitalists have already tried several entirely toothless programmes, such as the Carbon Trading Scheme and the Zero Carbon Act. The left wing of the capitalists has turned to a new scheme, the ‘Green New Deal’. Despite their spin, this would be just as harmful to the ordinary worker, and further strengthen the capitalist profit.

Under these schemes, public funds generated by taxing the workers’ wage are funnelled into the capitalist economy in another bail out under the guise of ‘green innovation’. When market collapse threatens their profits, they will take more money from the working class this way. Even if companies funded are state-owned, this has little benefit to the worker. Whether public or private, the worker has no say in how the company is run, and as John Key’s asset sales show, can just be sold off at a later date despite public opinion.

Capitalists have also begun to target Global South nations and further neo-colonialism through these ‘green’ companies. Economic adjustment forced on these nations by the IMF, World Bank and UN can now be done through an environmental lens: gutting domestic industry deemed un-environmental to be replaced with Western companies deemed ‘environmentally-friendly’, i.e. allowing greater  extraction of resources and profit back to the West.

The US military is the single largest polluter in the world. It pollutes more than 140 other countries – over 70% of the world. Capitalist solutions that hide the real cause of the crisis, capitalism’s drive for profit and US imperialism, are powerless to affect real change.

It is clear that socialism, and socialism’s abolition of profit and war is the only solution to the climate crisis. This involves abolishing profit and ensuring economic development is based on the interests of the working-class, including a livable planet.

This kind of genuine environmental transition requires a workers’ government to implement, rather than waiting for scraps tossed down to us like the reformists. For this, the working-class to organise itself as a class for its own interests to solve the climate crisis, rather than submit to the capitalists’ plans which, as already discussed, will not do anything to solve the problem.

Proletarian Internationalism

The attitude of the working class to the other peoples of the world and international relations is completely different from bourgeois foreign policy. Economic interests of the imperialist-capitalists mean that international relations are driven by a desire for a bigger market and increased profit. Rather than the profit motive, the working class and the Communist Party follow principles of proletarian internationalism and friendship both before and after the revolution.

This means mutually supporting the working class of other countries against capitalism, even the capitalists of your own country. The New Communist Party seeks fraternal relations with other Communist and Workers’ Parties of the world on this basis, as we can learn from each other and work together in a shared struggle against capitalism.

An important part of this is friendship and internationalist solidarity with the socialist countries, their working classes and Communist Parties. As the leading sections of the world working class, the socialist countries, namely China, Cuba, Vietnam, Laos and Korea, come under the most significant aggression from the leading sections of the world capitalist class: the US and NATO imperialist bloc. All of them are taking a unique path to developed socialism based on their material conditions and Party’s political line and it is our role to respect that, support their socialist construction and defend them from US/NATO imperialist aggression.

Socialist-oriented countries such as Venezuela, Nicaragua and Nepal are also important subjects of solidarity as they face significant threats from the imperialist bloc while in a multi-class state of transition into full socialist construction. The overthrow of the former socialist-oriented governments in Grenada, Honduras, Ethiopia, Iraq, Burkina Faso, etc either by direct US assault or by imperialist political intervention led to a significant decline in living conditions, social welfare and economic prosperity as they plunged back into neo-colonialism. The New Communist Party of Aotearoa supports their movement towards socialism and fight against imperialism, while reserving special solidarity for the proletarian elements within this movement who strengthen the role of Marxism-Leninism in their specific scenario.

In international affairs we also support the national bourgeoisie in the role it takes as an anti-imperialist force. No country deserves to be a US/NATO neo-colony, and the ability of a proletarian Communist movement to develop in a neo-colony will always be significantly more difficult than in a country governed by the national bourgeoisie against imperialism.

As part of this, we reject New Zealand’s membership as a NATO Global Partner, in Five Eyes and its security alliance with the United States, Australia, and other imperialist countries. A country founded by imperialism, New Zealand’s capitalist class has gone onto have a legacy of imperialist brutality in countries such as Turkey, Samoa, Vietnam, Korea, Afghanistan and Iraq.

Socialism in Aotearoa requires a policy of non-alignment and friendship focused on the development of world socialism and world peace, which must require opposition to the US/NATO alliance.

This absolute hostility to imperialism and commitment to supporting socialist countries and anti-imperialist struggles, proletarian internationalism, is fundamental to any Communist and a key policy of the New Communist Party.